“It is obviously the illusion of the historian – our illusion, necessary to all of us – to measure eternity on the basis of his own life expectancy and to consider that whatever does not change for three centuries is 'stable.' But change the scale of time, and the stars in the heaves will step to a dizzy dance.”
Cornelius Castoriadis, The Imaginary Institution of Society tr. Kathleen Blamey (Malden: Polity, 1987), 186.
Autonomy is the
opportunity for both polyrhythmia and arrythmia, concerted repetition
and novel creation, successes and failures, it has definite
historical and material antecedents, and accidents, the most glaring
of which is social dissociation and the dissolution of social
existence forms. The historical conditions of autonomy,
self-legislation, is an acceleration of social intercourse, but one
which inaugurates the alienated and mediated form of the contract, a
self-binding or subordination which becomes expressed a contradiction
within society. Trading cities were made great by their
indeterminacy, their aleatory flux or becoming; the modern
world-empires have, in their turn, made themselves great by
propagating their greatest cities, and thus extending the fields of
immanence of these cities, the spaces they share on the planes of
consistency that their cities connect to and relate to; a geometry of
the formations and diformities of social action and interaction
through time; a topography of the relative speeds and slownesses of
the various social formations and a microphysics of their attractions
or repulsions to one another. The object of consideration, then, is
the contrasting modes of temporality that the city and the hinterland
give rise to, i.e. the qualitative character of their respective
rhythms and the causal substance of their divergence and mutation.
Henri Lefebvre writes that cyclicality temporality “originates in
the cosmic, in nature: days, nights, seasons, the waves and tides of
the sea, monthly cycles, etc.,”1
whereas linear temporality stems from “social practice.”2
The city undoes the fabric of its surrounding hinterlands and
transforms the manner in which it relates to itself (the hinterland
comes to relate to itself through and by the city), the world-empires
who are beholden to their great cities even moreso, and thus the
object of consideration is also the structural character of that
which is not identical to itself, the non-identical, torsions or
contradictions within society. So, on the one hand there is cyclical,
formative, slow or frozen time of the hinterlands, and on the other
there are aleatory fluxes, or becomings, bound up with cities, their
indeterminacies and immanences, the world-formations that cities give
rise to.
Heteronomy is the
social fact of orders premised upon the concerted suppression and
abstention from thought, the atrophy of conscious life, the
capitulation to social existence forms in which conscious thought
figures seldom or never, with a low degree of scope or intensity.
Kant defines heteronomy as the condition under which the “the will
would not give itself the law but a foreign impulse would give the
law to it by means of the subject's nature, which is attuned to be
receptive to it.”3
Territory and territorial control gives rise to heteronomy, and the
forgetting of irreversible time, the erosion or subversion of this
control gives rise to both the inventions and accidents of
irreversible time. Heteronomy, autonomy, and accident, are therefore
three modes of subjectification, occuring under two modes of
temporality; the first, wherein the exterior milieu gives law to the
subject [subjectus], cyclical temporality; the second, wherein the
subject gives law to its exterior milieu [subjectum], irreversible
time; and the third, in which the exterior milieu fails to give law
to the subject, or the subject fails to give law to its exterior
milieu, and indeed both, also irreversible time. Autonomy and
accident straddle subjectum, as the properly Cartesian subject, and
the subjectus, as the properly Hobbsian man of State, they are the
concrete material circumstances which both Descartes and Hobbes
attempted to chart, but insofar as these concrete circumstances were
processes, their respective descriptions of subjectivity miss the
real agencies of subjectification (those processes which make the
subject supple to the State or isolate it from the State completely).
Accident
historically represents the substrate of the intensification of
social intercourse and irreversible time, and invention, concerted
and societal autonomy, historically represents the exception, rather
than the rule. Social autonomy, the substantive proliferation of
autonomous thought and action, is precariously composed from the ebbs
and flows of eroded control, Empires crumble, cities fail, Autonomy
and accident are, in many ways, inextricable. Heteronomy and autonomy
concern the degree to which the law is imprinted on the material
substrate of history, and the extent to which this material substrate
is able to make this law, this imprint, function otherwise than it
was intended, to internalize law as opposed to control; accident
concerns the short-circuiting or manipulation of the former, but an
incapacity for the latter, becoming free from imprint and cyclical
time, but without law, and thus substantively unfree (i.e. becoming
dissociated). Kant writes that heternomy is essentially the causality
of a preceding state, or set of conditions, whereas autonomy is “the
faculty of beginning a state from itself, the causality of which does
not in turn stand under another cause determining it in time”4
insofar as “reason creates the idea of a spontaneity, which could
start to act from itself, without needing to be preceeded by any
other cause that in turn determines it to action according to the law
of causal connection.”5
In other words, autonomy concerns the capacity for instituting
conditions, but this generative effect is determined after the fact,
where the fact is the receptivity or resistance of masses to the
conditions of external necessity. Deleuze and Guattari write that the
binding contract “appears as the proceeding of subjectification,
the outcome of which is subjection,”6
it is conditioned by a political distribution which exceeds it and
apportions its relative allotments. Thus, Kant argues, practical
freedom is “the real moment”7
of the difficulties encountered by the transcendental idea of
freedom, and that, thus, “freedom in the practical sense is the
independence of the power of choice from necessitation by impulses of
sensibility.”8
The disruption, erosion, and subversion of heteronomy provides the
historical conditions for the emergence of autonomy, but it neither
guarantees it nor necessitates it; its collapse is a necessary but
not a sufficient condition for the social proliferation of autonomy.
Castoriadis writes that the autonomy of society requires the
“explicit recognition that the institution of society is
self-institution.”9
Heteronomy is the obfuscation of this social fact, which transmutes
obedience to the pathological character of frozen time into a present
social and political framework, and society institutes itself as
heteronomic, as refusing the obligations of action and intercourse
that such a recognition would entail.
Heteronomy is
distinguished from Autonomy, its subfunctions, and accident, by its
entropy, its tendency to uniformal, uniaccentual, univocality, the
repetition of heard phrases which come to appear obligatory in this
or that concrete situation; heteronomy lacks dissociation by virtue
of its asociality, it's incredibly asphyxiating and isolate
conditions of social intercourse. Homogenous magnitudes under an
unlimited governmental power lack abortive or diformed thought
insofar as their conditions of production do not engender it, “much
as a bag with potatoes constitutes a potato-bag.”10
Autonomy is distinct
from physis, and includes Poïesis among its subfunctions, it is not
becoming but rather command over the internal consistency of
becoming, a gap between dominated by necessity and a formal command
over that necessity; Kant calls this 'transcendence.' Indeed, he
writes, “a principle that takes away these limits, which indeed
bids us to overstep them, is called transcendent.”11
Autonomy is a transcendence of heteronomy and accident, it is
transcendental insofar as its regulative ideal is not empirically
constrained; heteronomy is merely physical insofar as it replicates
the process itself, it generates no emergent properties. Lest one
imagine that this need necessitate the introduction of spurious
metaphysics, the object of consideration is rather bodies of men and
women who either are or are not, were or were not, capable of taking
the axioms and principles of class conscious thought into their own
hands and engineering their own epochs. The difference between
autonomy and accident is whether the system becomes constructive and
expressive, whether more subjects become autonomous, or whether it
merely inaugurates a contrasting and oppositional heteronomy and thus
social degeneration; transcendence is the autonomy of the accident,
and practical freedom is its concrete manifestation. This
transcendence and practical freedom, however, is my no means assured,
and is rather the consequence of a particular split between
philosophical or conceptual consciousness on the one hand, and
material incoherence, chaos, on the other.
In Kojin Karatani's
schema of world-systems analysis, the modes of exchange analytic, all
material consequences of theological or emotional social connection
are indexed under mode of exchange D, i.e. transcendence, the form of
exchange in which aspects of each of the other forms of exchange
(reciprocal, territorial, and commodity) return in a different and
uncanny form. Karatani analyzes the effect of mode of exchange D
throughout a very large portion of history, and thus the category
remains necessarily general. Karatani indicates that it was Proudhon
who divorced mode of exchange D from its theological moorings,
premising it rather on the actual concrete development of industrial
capitalism, but it is surprising that he missed the opportunity to
relate the distinctions of the kinds of actions and utterances one
encounters in mode of exchange D back to Immanuel Kant, given
Karatani's otherwise Kantian commitments. Mode of exchange D ought to
be conceived of as branching into two distinct historical phenomena,
which oftentimes overlap geographically and chronologically,
irrational and rational modes of exchange D, which is autonomic. Note
that theology may be of a rational and autonomous bent, as it was for
Feuerbach, just as atheism may be of a heteronomous and irrational
bent, as it was for Destutt de Tracy. What determines the rationality
or irrationality of a mode of consciousness in a historical
circumstance is not its internal consistency, which considered in the
abstract would appear wild and irrational anyways, but rather its
correspondence between the elements of a situation, that is, how it
transcends a concrete situation that is itself irrational. What
provides the opportunity for distinguishing historically between the
two forms of mode of exchange D are historically irrational
situations, times of great chaos and disorder.
Norman Cohn, writing
of the late Middle-Ages, notes that “the social situations in which
outbreaks of revolutionary millenarianism occurred were in fact
remarkably uniform,” that “areas in which the age-old prophecies
about the Last Days took on a new, revolutionary meaning and a new,
explosive force were the areas which were becoming seriously
over-populated and were involved in a process of rapid economic and
social change.”12
In situations in which “traditional social bonds were being
weakened or shattered and the gap between rich and poor was becoming
a chasm. . . a collective sense of impotence and anxiety and envy
suddenly discharged itself into a frantic urge to smite the ungodly –
and by doing so bring into being, out of suffering inflicted and
suffering endured, that final Kingdom where the Saints, clustered
around the great sheltering figure of their Messiah, were to enjoy
ease and riches, security and power for all eternity.”13
In other words, the development of city-states is characterized by a
militant eschatology whose content is not predetermined but is rather
constructed, ad hoc, in an irrational or rational manner. Law,
imprint, is a function of territorial accretion, whereas this
functioning otherwise is extra-territorial. Virilio suggests that
when Paris police lieutenant Gabriel Nicolas de La Reynie set about
lighting the streets of paris in the mid seventeenth century, it
market the invention of both a “transterritoriality of nighttime”14
and an “extraterritorialitity of nightlife.”15
The creation of new existential territorialities gives rise to new
material social existence forms and thus the mutation of already
existent forms, i.e. “the perverted peasant.”16
Acceleration exhausts expanse, thus making necessary the invention of
new territorialities, if not new literal territories, as in the
creation of artificial islands. The city is always the space of the
extra-territorial functioning otherwise, insofar as the
intensification of social intercourse not only gives law to its
hinterland, but changes its function.
Autonomy and
accident essentially depend upon the development and extension of the
forces of production and exchange in society, as heteronomy is
dependent upon their retardation, on their non-development. Kinetic
situations become divorced from their causal antecedents, and their
separation is the premise of their mutual accident, their breakdowns
happen within the distance between emission and reception, i.e.
bodies at speed. Autonomy is not merely opposed to heteronomy, it
represents the emergent properties and capacities of heteronomous
masses, which exceed and become alien to heteronomic and static
institutions. Autonomy is transcelerative, it is for motion and
diformity, mutation, whereas heteronomy is entropic; heteronomic
reference is acquiescent, receptive, complaisant, whereas autonomous
reference is violent, generative, idiosyncratic. When Nicole Oresme
writes that “every velocity is capable of being increased in
intensity and decreased in intensity;”17
that “continuous increase in intensity is called acceleration,”
which may happen more or less slowly, such that “it sometimes
happens that velocity is increasing and acceleration is decreasing,”18
what he captures is the need to describe conditions as processes,
rather than as static images of relation, these relations mutate.
Cyclical time is eroded by the function of Commodity-Exchange, the
consequence of which is the irreversible time of Commodity-Exchange,
the aporia is that Commodity-Exchange is as corrosive to heteronomy
as autonomy, such that they become physically counterposed in torsion
in the world-economy, rather than the one succeeding from and
historically triumphing over the other. Commodity-Exchange makes
heteronomy and autonomy exist structurally in irrational torsion with
one another in the metastable pattern of the heteronomous order and
the autonomous and accidental historical classes.
Just before the
manuscript breaks off in chapter fifty-two of Capital volume three,
Marx writes that those who own merely their own labour, those who own
capital, and those who own land, constitute “the three great
classes of modern society based on the capitalist mode of
production.”19
It is a pity, however, that he only had the opportunity to introduce
the problem of the variation of classes, as the inquiry leads back to
the torsion or tension between the capitalist modes of production and
exchange and their material substrate, “the independent divorce of
all landed property from capital and labour, or the transformation of
all landed property into the form of landed property corresponding to
the capitalist mode of production.”20
Irreversible time and its antecedents, its acceleration of social
intercourse, is inserted into the hinterlands in the form of a total
asynchrony, a disassociative temporality which is the obverse of pure
heteronomic value, and thus the need to distinguish between the
threefold identification of economic classes, and the origins of two
of these classes from a process which the third undergoes. This third
'class,' the land-owners, function on the basis of stratification and
their material force in the world comes to be expressed as the
capacity to extort ground-rent, so they have an economic function,
but not one which stems from the process which inaugurates the
economic as a separate domain. The form and content of territorial
control is economically implicated, but perhaps not in such a way as
to imply a symmetry between each of the classes, so-called. Rather,
territorial control is itself transformed, in part, to police and
enforce the speeds and rhythms set by the cities.
Castoriadis argues,
rather, that “what is given in and through history is not the
determined sequence of the determined but the emergence of radical
otherness, immanent creation, non-trivial novelty,”21
and that “it is only on the basis of this radical otherness and
creation that we can truly think of temporality and time, the
excellent and eminent effective actuality of which we find in
history.”22
The dominant perception of temporality and causality is socially
contingent, a product of its particular society which perceives
itself as culminate and placed, predictably, at the end of the causal
chain, whereas History recognizes no such culmination and completion,
no such societal narcissism. Temporality is thus bifurcated between a
nihilism, an “essential intemporality of a relation of order,”23
on the one hand, and “the very manifestation of the fact that
something other than what exists is bringing itself into being,”24
on the other. Heteronomic reference rejects becoming, genesis,
mutation, insofar as it designates its own particular historical
temporality as closed, it is intempestive, resistant to irreversible
time.
“Time can exist
only if there is an emergence of what is other, of what is in no way
given with what is, what does not go together with it. Time is the
emergence of other figures. The points of a line are not other, they
are different by means of what they are not – their place.”
Cornelius
Castoriadis, The Imaginary Institution of Society tr. Kathleen Blamey
(Malden: Polity, 1987), 193.
Castoriadis argues
that heteronomy constitutes “the covering over of otherness, the
denial of time, society's ignorance of its own social-historical
being in so far as these are grounded in the very institution of
society such as we know it, namely, such as it has up to now
instituted itself.”25
Heteronomy is the social alienation of concrete historical time with
respect to its own development, the obscure remainder of “the
refusal to see that it institutes itself.”26
He writes that the maintenance and reproduction of heteronomy relies
upon a social representation of “an extra-social origin of the
institution of society (an origin ascribed to supernatural beings,
God, nature, reason, necessity, the laws of history or the being-thus
of Being).”27
The character and contour of society is not the product of immanent
social relation, according to this precept, but is rather an
unapproachable given-in-advance, the organization handed down from
above, the past, social superiors, etc. it is the ideology of the
causal constitution of non-society, the rationalization of the
suppression of the fact of the immanent, immediate, and continual
re-institution of the forms of relations it prescribes. Insofar as it
treats its own emergence at all it is “situated on a ground where
the radical imaginary as social-historical and as radical
imagination, indetermination as creation, temporality as essential
self-alteration are excluded.”28
Though control over
social temporality is inextricably bound up with territoriality, the
fixing of time is nonetheless profoundly implicated in ideology, and
the conditions and characteristics of temporality are an object of
class struggle. Asocial temporalies are a consequence of
Commodity-Exchange and irreversible time, and autonomy is the
transcendence of this asocial or anti-social character of these
temporalities. Such a transcendence would entail an associative
elaboration of the quality of social time and a science attendant to
the various ideological conceptions of social life of the contending
economic classes. The irreversible time of the owning class is one
which inaugurates a regime of naturalized accident, whereas the
irreversible time of the class who have only their physical labouring
power to sell, the workers, denatures this accidental time, exposing
its historical contingency. The irreversible time of the owners is
divided between a monorhythm and an arrhythmia, the irreversible time
of the proletariat is polyrhythmic and polysynchronous, the former is
policed time, and sociality is stratified between compliant
living-labour and non-compliant living-labour, whereas the latter is
stratified between socially necessary labour and free time as the
development of the social organism resulting from the unfettered
development of the means of production and exchange. Speed both
liberates law from its terrestrial accretion, while the processes
that allow for this liberation render law impossible for a different
reason, the distance between the engineering of a material function
and its concrete existence. Castoriadis writes that heteronomy, or
“inherited thought,”29
can only perceive causality in virtue of the ensemble that it itself
designates, or, in other words, “it can think of succession only
from the point of view of identity.”30
The succession is perceived in virtue of its culmination, and in
spite of its process, and thus relies on the apriori acquiescence to
its own terms of reference and thus “the conclusion is given
together with the premises.”31
And yet, as Cohn suggests, the rapidly industrializing urban centers
of the Renaissance were characterized by “a state of chronic
insecurity,”32
and, indeed, this condition is the basis of the mixed semiotic of
Commodity-Exchange, the proliferation of precarious, marginal, and
deterritorialized social existence forms.
Heteronomy and
autonomy are not counterposed as equivalent political forms, but are
rather asymmetrical to one another, the one constitutes a defense of
the ruling class materially and ideologically, whereas the other
stands for its thoroughgoing decomposition; counterrevolution is the
perpetual attempt to reinstitute heteronomy, uniaccentual standard,
and cyclicality on the part of the territorialized stratas. The
owners of the means of production and exchange becoming a ruling
strata whose interests lay with counterrevolution, heternomy,
uniaccentual standard, and cyclicality, is the historical accident of
autonomy. Thus the autonomy of one economic class came to manufacture
the heteronomy of the other: the ideology of the owning class, in
1848, became politically right wing, it announced that it's intention
was to preserve the ruling order insofar as it had become the ruling
class.
The formulations of
heteronomy and autonomy put forward by Kant and Castoriadis,
respectively, differ in their figuration of the antecedent causes of
both, as for Kant they represent merely self-structurations, whereas
for Castoriadis they represent societal structurations. This is why
Castoriadis might consider the formal content of Kant's autonomy to
be heteronomous, that is, beholden to a particular self-legislation
that is partial, contingent, intent on closure. It is not enough to
distinguish between personal and societal self-legislation, but
rather, in order to clarify the specific sociological character of
populations which are practically free in the terms that Kant
enumerates, Castoriadis's formulations are necessary. The frozen and
cyclical temporality of the heteronomous terrain is not
self-legislated away, but done away with by an accretion or
agglomeration of self-legislations, which together may comprise and
autonomous society, or may simply result in monstrous accidents of
both heteronomy and the attempt to inaugurate autonomy. Personal or
individual autonomy of the kind that Kant gestures to is a certainty
in the context of the erosion of a monotemporal scene, but an
autonomous society obviously isn't, and therefore requires a
different ontological criteria for assessing the self-legislative.
Kant's is a moral and universal self-legislation, the coordination
of, and self-subordination to, a system of self-legislation, whereas,
for Castoriadis, self-legislation is a particular event, a
congregation, a space, a coalescence of actors, whose autonomy is
fundamentally and inextricably social. The necessarily interrelated
and public character of Castoriadis's conception of an autonomous
society is one in which law emerges from social intercourse itself,
whereas for Kant this would be an unacceptable concession to sensual
and empirical experience.
Social time,
polyrythmic and autonomous time, is that temporality which is lived
by a self-legislating and heterogeneous masses, usually in the
context of the emergent social existence forms, transterritorialities
and transtemporalities, of the city. Accidental time, disjunctive,
arythmic, desynchonized and chaotic time is the abortive temporality
of the social and political contradicitons of the city, its classes
and the torsions they give rise to. Heteronomy is unitemporal,
monorhythmic, asynchonized and ahistorical, and emerges politically
from the social relations which obtain outside of the city and its
heterogenous social existence forms, most especially from the
hinterland, or what becomes designated as hinterland as a consequence
of the social microphysics of its relation to nodal sites of social
intercourse, i.e. what accelerative forms transform into their
hinterlands. The evacuation of heteronomy from a city's hinterland is
its invention as hinterland, just as the construction of autonomy is
the transcendence of its accident, or empirical circumstances.
1
Henri Lefebvre, Rhythmanalysis tr. Stuart Elden and Gerald Moore
(London: Continuum, 2004), 8.
2
Ibid.
3
Immanuel Kant, Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals tr. Mary
Gregor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 50.
4
Kant, Critique of Pure Reason tr. Paul Guyer and Allen Wood
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 533.
5
Ibid.
6
Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Capitalism and Schizophrenia: A
Thousand Plateaus tr. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 1987), 460.
7
Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, 533.
8
Ibid.
9
Cornelius Castoriadis, World in Fragments: Writings on Politics,
Society, Psychoanalysis, and the Imagination tr. David Ames Curtis
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), 329.
10
Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (New York:
Cosimo, 2008), 84.
11
Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, 386.
12
Nicholas Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary
Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle Ages (London:
Pimlico, 2004), 53.
13
Ibid, 60.
14
Paul Virilio, A Landscape of Events tr. Julie Rose (Cambridge: MIT
Press, 2000), 3.
15
Ibid, 2.
16
Ibid.
17
Nicole Oresme, The Configurations of Qualities and Motions tr.
Marshall Clagett (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1968),
283.
18
Ibid.
19
Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy Volume III tr. David
Fernbach (London: Penguin, 1991), 1025.
20
Ibid.
21
Cornelius Castoriadis, The Imaginary Institution of Society tr.
Kathleen Blamey (Malden: Polity, 1987), 185.
22
Ibid.
23
Ibid.
24
Ibid.
25
Ibid, 214.
26
Ibid.
27
Ibid, 373.
28
Ibid.
29
Ibid, 183.
30
Ibid.
31
Ibid.
32
Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium, 58.
No comments:
Post a Comment